Send Troops to the Balkans

By András Simonyi

The Hungarian public reacted with some confusion to the quick decision regarding collective defense and the immediate expression of Hungary’s full solidarity with the American people. The thus far unconditional support came to a sudden halt. That is perfectly understandable – people are normally scared of things that they do not understand. It just goes to show how important it is to foster a culture of security among the people. In such crises, firm public support can only be secured if there is an ongoing dialogue on core issues that influence our security. Our recent experience proves that we have to pay much more attention to this dialogue.

To a certain extent, I can understand the confusion surrounding our obligations as a NATO member state. “András, as of today, we are living in a different world” – Wesley Clark wrote in a mail to me some three hours after the catastrophe.  Every Hungarian remembers General Clark, the supreme allied commander of NATO forces during the Kosovo crisis. Today, he is security policy expert for CNN. In his book entitled Waging Modern War, Clark often quotes an old saying: “I have a hammer, now find me a nail.” The war on terror will not be that easy, however. According to Clark, if a hammer could eliminate terrorism, we would have already done it. Clark concludes that immediate measures are necessary to transform national military capabilities so that they are able to respond to real-life challenges. Two days after the attack, NATO invoked Article 5 of the Washington Treaty in full support of the United States and declared the terrorist attacks to be an attack against all NATO member states. The framers of the 1949 Treaty probably would not have imagined that the first time Article 5, the soul of the Alliance, would be invoked would be with regard to the security of the United States. Americans themselves would have been the last to think so.

The expression of allied solidarity was a very important first step for a humiliated United States, both emotionally and politically. And it was coming from exactly those countries that, for decades, could always have counted on U.S. support, should they have been attacked. This includes Hungary, who was always safe throughout the Kosovo crisis because we knew that any attack by Milosevic against Hungary would have triggered an immediate response from a U.S.-led NATO. NATO membership is not only for the good times. The security guarantees provided by NATO come at a cost we all have to pay. We cannot foresee what effects the events of last month will have on international relations but one thing is sure – a new chapter has been opened. However, it behooves all member states to make sure that the trans-Atlantic link is not in any way weakened. This is our interest for both the short and the long term.

Old merits fade quickly, country priorities and rankings change overnight, and our acts in these critical days will be remembered by our allies and EU members as far as 20 years from now. Therefore, it is in our interest to belong to the group of those countries that know exactly what to do in difficult times such as these and provide the maximum support that can possibly be required of them. We want – and indeed, expect -- our positions and requests to be taken into account within the Alliance, but our words will only carry weight if, in these hard times, we prove that we are willing to react. We have opened our airspace to allied aircraft and this was the right thing to do. Another forty countries did the same, many of them non-members. Due to a lack of appropriate capabilities, we were not in a position to support the operation militarily -- but neither does the Alliance require that from Hungary. We have to find other areas where we are able to make a meaningful contribution.

Although the operation is not officially under NATO command, the Alliance does provide the backbone for the coalition. This war, which is being fought for us as well, places tremendous burden on the military of two of our allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. These countries will have to shift their priorities and re-deploy their manpower and capabilities. It is clear that they will withdraw the bulk of their troops from Bosnia and Kosovo. Although Hungary has not received a formal request to expand her contribution to SFOR and KFOR, it is immaterial whether a request to that effect ever comes when we all know that a need for such contribution exists. Even as we speak, some NATO members and partner countries are actively considering increasing their contribution so as to relieve American and British contingents that will be needed elsewhere by coalition forces fighting against terrorism. It would definitely serve the Hungarian interest if we were not to wait for a request but, as a demonstration of our willingness and determination, we offered certain capabilities on our own initiative.

How can we increase our contribution to NATO-led missions in the Balkans? This time, we have to be prepared to offer combat troops to serve in SFOR and KFOR.  This means nothing more sophisticated than sending units that, if needed, will be ready and able to do what they have been trained for. Conscripts, naturally, are out of the question. (It is high time we realized that only a professional army can face up to the challenges of the future.) The Hungarian Defense Forces do have professional, well-trained units for that purpose. This would be a serious step on our part and would generate respect for Hungary. And it is our most vital interest that the hard-won stability in our region is preserved. But would the risk be any higher? Not very likely. Our technical units skirting minefields are exposed to risks as it is. Of course, there will be those who will say that such a step is a non-starter in view of past grievances. But this is only a lame excuse – the conjuring up of bugaboos that do not exist. 

Make no mistake – Hungary will not be doing anyone a favor with this step but herself. It is our vital interest to make full use of this opportunity and demonstrate that we are not free riders on the NATO train. During the Kosovo crisis, Hungary won the respect of her NATO allies. Now, there is an opportunity to preserve our prestige and at the same time confirm that we are not in NATO only to reap the benefits of membership, but also to fulfill our political, military and moral obligations. For the sake of our security and that of our region and allies we have to be prepared to take risks. A course of action such as the one I have outlined above would pay off manifold.

What also hinges on our decision is whether Hungary will be one of the shapers of the new world to come or she will only look on from the sidelines.

The author is the former permanent representative of Hungary to NATO

(Magyar Hírlap, October 11, 2001)